My Blog List

My Blog List

Monday, November 12, 2012


God and His Messiah Jesus Christ our Lord - our right and duty to witness to Him

This is typical Communist Trotskyite Fourth International - Hegelian dialectic for Russian Supremacism using Iran's key geographic centrality in Eurasia and contrived flashpoint status as a potential for man made nuclear armageddon as a point of departure to project Russian militarism in the area. Its Communist base of historical thesis-antithesis of proposed (and quite false) pantheistic evolutionary history is classic Marxist-Engelian Anti-God theory long shown to be bloody nihilism and simply the starting place for bloody genocides from Russia to Europe to China to Africa to South America and Asia and the Middle East etc..


"The idea of Iran, as a federating civilization,  both absorbing and prevailing over the ancient kingdoms of West and South Asia..."


Persia as the Middle Kingdom between China and Rome vanished centuries ago with the military conquests of the Jihadist Ummah of Muhammed. Prior to that, the Talmudic Jews had used Zoroastrianist-Magian Persia as a power to the East of Christian Rome to persecute Christians and assault Christian Rome (including Byzantium). In later centuries, Persia was also the springboard for the Talmudic Doenmeh incursion into Turkey with all the concommitant Sufism-Nizari Ismaelism assassin cultic trappings it carried with it. From there and central Europe and London and New York and Tel Aviv, the 19th century and early 20th century Communist assault on Russia was conducted. 

Today, Iran is a pawn long encapsulated by Moscow (sine 1935) and Washington (since 1953), with London behind the scenes (since 19th century at least), to use as a chess piece in the area as they choose.

Neither Iran nor Israel is going to attack each other. Iran is the chess piece for East and West to use as an excuse to eat up the entire Middle East.

Wednesday, August 22, 2012

The World; South Africa's Communists Arise, and the West Yawns - New York Times

Special Palestine Cry Blog articles: The Coming of the Antichrist: PASCENDI DOMINICI GREGIS


Palestine's cause of her people before God is just. But from the very beginning ALL of that was subverted by the Nazi infiltration and the concommitant infiltration of Communism into every single aspect of Palestinian and Egyptian national life and every single country from throughout the entire Mediterranean and throughout the entire Near East and Southeast Asia and all of Asia.

Terrorism and the Illuminati.

This is posted for factual information on the use of Terrorism by The Illuminati to subvert all Religion and Politics to their Goals. Only profession in Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ the Immortal Son of God and Messiah sent by that True God from Whom proceeds the Holy Spirit is salvific.
Palestine Cry: Terrorism and the Illuminati 
God and His Messiah Jesus Christ our Lord - our right and duty to witness to Him: Terrorism and the Illuminati

Quite frankly, F.W. De Klerk and Nelson Mandela conspired to hand South Africa over to the Communists. Palestine is betrayed similarly to the Zio-Communists. The comparison of South Africa to Palestine is far more ominous than most people realize.

Special Palestine Cry Blog articles: Advent of the Antichrist

My Vlog - YouTube

The World; South Africa's Communists Arise, and the West Yawns - New York Times

The World; South Africa's Communists Arise, and the West Yawns

Published: January 30, 1994

SOUTH AFRICA may not be the only country where Communists are on the rise -- just ask Boris Yeltsin -- but it is probably the only one whose Communists arouse so little comment in the West.
Mainstream Western politicians who speak with foreboding of the Communists' resuscitation in Eastern Europe scarcely mention Nelson Mandela's partnership with the Communists in South Africa. American and European businessmen scouting opportunities here seem unfazed by it. Yet if the pollsters are even close in their forecasts for South Africa's first free elections, to be held April 27-29, South Africa will have a higher proportion of Communist Party members in its new Parliament than Russia has in its.
Among the 200 candidates on the African National Congress's list for at-large seats in the Parliament, 34 carry Communist Party cards. Many more are former party members or kindred thinkers, and the support for state ownership and wholesale redistribution of wealth grows more intense in the middle and lower levels of the liberation movement. Communists, union leaders and officials of several small parties, longtime partners against apartheid, have opted to run as A.N.C. candidates rather than mounting their own campaigns.
The Communists include some of the congress's leading intellectuals, notably the avuncular Joe Slovo, the Communist Party chairman and No. 4 on the election list. Last week, in a speech to Johannesburg businessmen, he reaffirmed his commitment to an eventual Marxist future in which "all the means of production are socialized to serve the interests of the whole of society." This would be achieved, he noted, not by a Leninist putsch but by "ideological contest in a genuine multiparty democracy." For decades the A.N.C shared with its Communist compatriots Moscow's financial aid, military accoutrements and outlook, applauding the subjugation of Eastern Europe and pooh-poohing the Soviet repression of human rights.
Does it matter any more? It does to President F. W. de Klerk, whistlestopping across the prairie for his reformed National Party. He has been a selective Red-baiter, fulminating against the Communist scourge when it served his purposes, minimizing their importance when he happened to be negotiating with them.
Now they make a useful monster. It is a tricky business campaigning against Nelson Mandela, an icon to most South Africans and, despite the two men's intensifying election rivalry, still a kind of co-president in this twilight of white rule. Mr. de Klerk finds it easier to portray Mr. Mandela, never a Communist Party member, as a decent man surrounded by a Communist cabal. Thus in the National Party it is de rigueur to refer, not to the A.N.C., but to "the Communist Party/A.N.C. alliance." If the conservative Inkatha Freedom Party and the Afrikaner nationalists of the right wing decide to join the campaign, which depends on the outcome of seemingly interminable negotiations, the chorus of Red-bashing is certain to become even more strident.
The fear of Communism galvanizes some whites, especially devoutly Christian Afrikaners for whom "Communist" is still synonymous with "Antichrist." It is also, Mr. de Klerk's party is convinced, a useful line in the swing communities of Indians and mixed-race voters. Though victimized by apartheid, these voters are just enough better off than blacks that they fear egalitarian social justice.
Most South Africans, though, like most Western spectators, find that South African Communists make an unconvincing bogeyman, especially in a country that offers such alternative menaces as right-wing whites in neo-Nazi regalia and black militants armed with AK-47's. The Communist Party itself is small -- 50,000 members is the probably inflated claim, compared with a million in the A.N.C. -- and disorganized and, since the dissolution of its Soviet sponsors, nearly penniless. The party is running under the banner of the A.N.C. partly out of devotion, but partly out of dependency.
Since it was legalized in 1990, the party has boasted two strengths: its ability to thrill township youngsters with revolutionary oratory, and the influence of several well-placed thinkers within the A.N.C. Their most important ideological impact had nothing to do with Marx: the Communists are generally credited with persuading the congress to switch from African nationalism to nonracialism in the 1950's.
But the party's following in the black townships suffered hugely from the murder last April of Chris Hani, the party's General Secretary and a figure second only to Mr. Mandela in popularity among blacks. And party intellectuals have had to sublimate their long-term goals to the compromises of negotiating a new constitution, wooing foreign investors, and running a country.
The congress's economic blueprint, published two weeks ago, calls for a mix of private enterprise and public regulation. It went through six drafts, and with each revision the authors planed away a bit more of the Marxist vision of state control and redistribution.
"It is not a socialist document, and it should not be," said Essop Pahad, a member of the Communist Central Committee. "At this stage, we need to unite vast numbers of people across lines of class and belief."
South African Communists still advocate what they call a "second phase," in which capitalism is erased. If it ever takes place, though, it is less likely to be the result of Communist inspiration than of the elemental yearning among ordinary blacks for a share of the wealth.
As Ahmed Kathrada, a congress executive and former Communist, points out, this kind of state intervention has a precedent in South Africa.
"The National Party itself nationalized several industries to reserve jobs for Afrikaners -- broadcasting, railways, telecommunications, iron and steel," he recalled. "We have a long way to go to match that."

Saturday, September 17, 2011

Glavnoye Razvedyvatel'noye Upravleniye

Glavnoye Razvedyvatel'noye Upravleniye

Jüri Lina - Recommended reading

Communist World Government: 1841: The World-Historic Split in Western Philosophy The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"

We have been here before...



RIANOVOSTI - Ivan Ilyichev – Head of GRU

Main Intelligence Directorate, the GRU

GRU - Wikipedia

Three Views of the Russian Communist Gulag

the Illuminati in the Russian gulags [Yahoo search]
  1. ... fury you feel yourself a real honest-to-God man!" —Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. The Gulag ... Their aim: seize control of Czarist Russia and establish a beachhead for a ... - Cached
  2. The history of the Soviet Russian Gulags, forced labor camps that killed millions of people. - Cached
  3. Varlam Shalamov, Russian author who was imprisoned in the Gulag for over twenty years. Learn more about Shalamov in the Online Exhibit. - Cached

Monday, August 22, 2011

The Goal of Communism

Communism has as its goal the rule of the Antichrist over the earth. The original adaptation of the Red Shield of the Illuminati House of Rothschild (the color red in the Communist flags and movements) as the Symbol over the Communist Revolution shows their complete intent.

Look carefully at this.

The Hammer and the Sickle. Notice the Crescent and Star and the Earth Mother Goddess Wheat of Robespierre's bloody anarchist totally hedonistic atheist-pantheist criminal French Revolution. That is where the guillotine was the principal instrument of murderous execution. The guillotine is what the "christian zionists" want brought back to execute, martyr, real Christians with. Christian zionists worship mammon and not God.

Then look closely at this.

A star (or stars) and crescent featuring in some combination form the basis of symbols widely found across the ancient world, with examples attested from the Eastern Mediterranean and Central Asia.

During the 19th century, it represented the Ottoman Empire, figuring on the Ottoman flag from 1793. The Ottoman flag of 1844 continues to be in use as the flag of the Republic of Turkey. Other successor states of the Ottoman empire also used the symbol, including Azerbaijan (1918) and Tunisia (1956) and Algeria (1958).

The same symbol was used in other national flags introduced during the 20th century, including the flags of Pakistan (1947), Malaysia (1948), Mauritania (1959). During the 1950s to 1960s, the symbol was re-interpreted as symbolic of Islam or the Muslim community.[2] By the 1970s, this symbolism was embraced by movements of Arab nationalism or Islamism (even though it was not originally an Arab symbol), such as the proposed Arab Islamic Republic (1974) [a proposed unification of Tunisia and Libya in 1974] and the US Nation of Islam (1973).
[end of Wiki excerpt]

Note this - the Arab nationalist movements were all heavily influenced by and run behind the scenes by the Communists.

The Crescent and Star is actually the waxing Crescent of the Kabalaistic Hilal adopted by the the Frankist Doenmeh heavily influenced late Turkish Ottoman Empire - This is their symbol and is related directly to 33rd Degree Freemasonry and is not any symbol of Islam throughout the history of Islam. True Islam doesn't allow such a symbol as it relates directly to the Dajjal and NOT Allah (SWT).

Satanist Freemason Albert pike and Freemason Mafia founder Italian Cardinal Guiseppe Mazzini (Mazarin - the Successor of Cardinal Richelieu in France), were compatriots in their opposition to God and Christ and the Gospel of Christ. The criminal anarchic elements they and Richelieu and others were responsible for in Western Europe had their counterpart in the Russian Kahal in the Western Pale of Settlement under the Czars. The Czars also promoted at all times the Russian Orthodox Church idea that Moscow was the third Rome. That was supposed to make them supreme in ecclesiastical hierarchy but actually turned out to create part of the setting for them to be yet another Babylon just like the first Rome, Italy and second Rome, Constantinople/Istanbul, Turkey.

Sunday, August 21, 2011

1841: The World-Historic Split in Western Philosophy The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"

Hegel-by-HyperText Resources

The World-Historic Split
in Western Philosophy

The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"

As well as having been embraced by the Prussian Monarchy as a kind of official creed, Hegel left behind him a movement which inspired powerful revolutionary criticism of the very official society which had sanctified him.

The ten years after Hegel's death were the apogee of Hegelianism. His students, who had lived under the master's spell during his lifetime, went out and popularised his teachings and translated them into the language of politics - or much more correctly, translated politics into the language of Hegelianism.

In 1841, the establishment deliberatively moved to "expunge the dragon's seed of Hegelian pantheism" from the minds of Prussian youth. A newly-appointed Minister for Culture mobilised Friedrich Schelling to come to Berlin and do the job.

Friedrich Schelling was the second, and in 1841, the only living representative of Classical German Philosophy. The former Professor of Philosopher at Jena after Fichte's dismissal for heresy, who as a youth had been a close friend of Hegel, had both encouraged Hegel and enlisted his support in his struggle against Fichte. Although pushed into the philosophical background by the great G W F Hegel, he had also out-lived Hegel.

“Ask anybody in Berlin today on what field the battle for dominion over German public opinion in politics and religion, that is, over Germany itself, is being fought, and if he has any idea of the power of the mind over the world he will reply that this battlefield is the University, in particular Lecture Hall No. 6, where Schelling is giving his lectures on the Philosophy of Revelation. For at the moment all the separate oppositions which contend with Hegel's philosophy for this dominion are obscured, blurred and pushed into the background by the one opposition of Schelling; all the attackers who stand outside philosophy, Stahl, Hengstenberg, Neander, are making way for a fighter who is expected to give battle to the unconquered on his own ground. And the battle is indeed peculiar enough. Two old friends of younger days, room mates at the Tübingen theological seminary, are after forty years meeting each other again face to face as opponents; one of them ten years dead but more alive than ever in his pupils; the other, as the latter say, intellectually dead for three decades, but now suddenly claiming for himself the full power and authority of life. Anybody who is sufficiently "impartial" to profess himself equally alien to both, that is, to be no Hegelian, for surely nobody can as yet declare himself on the side of Schelling after the few words he has said - anybody then, who possesses this vaunted advantage of "impartiality" will see in the declaration of Hegel's death pronounced by Schelling's appearance in Berlin, the vengeance of the gods for the declaration of Schelling's death which Hegel himself pronounced in his time”.

“An imposing, colourful audience has assembled to witness the battle. At the front the notables of the University, the leading lights of science, men everyone of whom has created a trend of his own; for them the seats nearest to the rostrum have been reserved, and behind them, jumbled together as chance brought them to the hall, representatives of all walks of life, nations, and religious beliefs. In the midst of high-spirited youths there sits here and there a grey-breaded staff officer and next to him perhaps, quite unembarrassed, a volunteer who in any other society would not know what to do for reverence towards such a high-ranking superior. Old doctors and ecclesiastics, the jubilee of whose matriculation can soon be celebrated feel the long-forgotten student haunting their minds again and are back in college. Judaism and Islam want to see what Christian revelation is all about: German, French, English, Hungarian, Polish, Russian, modern Greek and Turkish, one can hear them all spoken together, - then the signal for silence sounds and Schelling mounts the rostrum.

“A man of middle stature, with white hair and light-blue, bright eyes, whose expression is gay rather than imposing and, combined with a certain fullness of figure, indicates more the jovial family-man than the thinker of genius, a harsh but strong voice, Swabian-Bavarian accent, that is Schelling's outward appearance”. [Engels, Schelling on Hegel, December 1841]

The audience also included the Russian anarchist, Mikhail Bakunin, and Søren Kierkegaard, who was to be the founder of Existentialism. Schelling's proposition was that Hegel had confused "essence" and "existence", and what was required was a return to a philosophy of existence. Kierkegaard ridiculed Hegel for "reconstructing" history in retrospect, "but history has to be lived forwards, not backwards". For his part, Engels insisted that the youth and all enemies of the autocracy must rally to the defence of Hegel. He characterised Schelling's proposition as a "philosophy of revelation", or "positivism" (as opposed to the "negative" standpoint of Reason).

Schelling did not, as it turned out, win much support for his position, but the young Danish theologian Kierkegaard, declaring the bankruptcy of Reason, can be seen as the founder of Existentialism, which is continued through Friedrich Nietzsche, Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger and through Heidegger is a significant component of today's philosophical cloudscape. Existentialism appears to pick up from Schelling's denunciation of Hegel's focus on Essence, and substitutes for Hegel's study of the Essential genesis of notions an analysis of Being.

Arthur Schopenhauer, who had taught at the University of Berlin for 24 semesters, and had spoken regularly to an empty lecture hall, next door and at the same hour when Hegel lectured to a large and ever-growing audience. In May 1825 he had renounced his career to live as a recluse. In 1844, an obscure Berlin bookseller accepted the manuscript of Schopenhauer's oft-rejected The World as Will and Idea without remuneration and this book - the founding work of Voluntarism, in the style of Classical German philosophy but passionately hostile to its spirit - gained Schopenhauer worldwide recognition and caused Nietzsche to speak of Schopenhauer as his "great teacher".

In Britain, John Stuart Mill and in France Auguste Comte came forward as the proponents of Positivism. Positivism is a difficult thing to characterise, because like any ideology, it is intimately connected with the fate not of any given proposition or thesis, but with the fate of a social entity and rises and falls and transforms itself according to the fate of the social movement it reflects. Positivism is that current in epistemology which seeks to speak for science; it rejects "speculation" and sees the task of philosophical knowledge as summing up and expressing the positive knowledge gathered by the sciences. In the first phase of its development, first place was given to sociology; in this it expressed a belief in the liberating power of science and the urgent need for science to replace religion and all forms of non-scientific "metaphysical" or religious speculation, and consequently the need for a scientific conception of society, based on the rational analysis of the data of the senses.

Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin had studied Hegel in Moscow but had emigrated in 1840 to join the Young Hegelians in Berlin. His later career would see Bakunin fighting in the Revolution of 1848 in Prague and Dresden, returning to Russia, exiled to Siberia, joining the First International but finally expelled in 1872 and founding the Narodnik and Anarchist movements in Russia - the most extreme of bourgeois radicals, advocating immediate insurrection and the smashing of all states.

Earlier in 1841, Ludwig Feuerbach had published his Essence of Christianity: “with one blow it pulverised the contradiction, in that without circumlocutions it placed materialism on the throne again. Nature exists independently of all philosophy ... the spell was broken; the "system" was exploded and cast aside ... one must have experienced the liberating effect of this book to get an idea of it. Enthusiasm was general ... but a philosophy is not disposed of by the mere assertion that it is false... it had to be "sublated" in its own sense, ... the new content which had been won through it had to be saved ...” [Engels' Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy].

In almost a moment, following the sacking of Kaiser Wilhelm Friedrich's Culture Minister in 1841, sprung Existentialism, Voluntarism, Anarchism, Positivism and Materialism!

Engels said of Schelling's 1841 speech:

"It will be our business to follow the course of his [Schelling's] thinking and to shield the great man's [Hegel's] grave from abuse. We are not afraid to fight. Nothing more desirable could have happened to us than for a time to be 'The Church Oppressed'. There the minds part. What is not genuine is proved in the fire, what is false we shall not miss in our ranks. The opponents must grant us that youth has never before flocked to our colours in such numbers, that the thought which dominates us has never before unfolded itself so richly, that courage, conviction, talent have never been so much on our side as now. Hence we shall rise confidently against the new enemy; in the end, one will be found among us who will prove that the sword of enthusiasm is just as good as the sword of genius.

"Let Schelling see whether he can muster a school. Many only join him now because they are opposed to Hegel and accept with gratitude anybody who attacks him ..." [Schelling on Hegel, December 1841]

In October 1843, Engels published his Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy, which caught the attention of Karl Marx and the 23-year-olds struck up a correspondence. ...

By 1848, the year of publication of the Communist Manifesto, Europe was ablaze with Revolution. For the first time, the proletariat came on to the political scene as a force for itself. The Revolution was defeated, with the Junkers gaining control in Germany and the Army in France. But throughout the following period, the working class remained the chief threat to bourgeois society. The First International was founded in 1863, with the Trades Councils in Britain and the rapid rise of the German Social Democratic Party and the Paris Commune holding state power for a short period in 1871.

The emergence of labour as a conscious social force puts a final end to the classical period of bourgeois epistemology. The explosion of 1841 anticipates this explosion and the irreversible sea-change which follows. "Nature" has spoken. For bourgeois philosophy prior to this time, the labouring masses (or what the postmoderns call the “sub-altern” - the “congregation” who get spoken of and to, but have themselves no right to speak) were like Nature, something ‘beyond sensation’, the unconscious.

Irrationalism & Positivism

The period of development of bourgeois philosophy from the 1840s to the 1860s is the period in which the tendencies and forces of a new epoch of development are formed. The period of expansion of capitalism which followed the defeat of the Commune in 1871 up to the exhaustion of the period of colonial expansion and the opening of the period of Imperialism at the turn of the century, marks the next specific period in the development of bourgeois ideology.

From the 1840s, it is no longer possible for bourgeois ideology to be developed in the form of a "secular religion", but ideology is worked out in conflict within specific, separate domains of enquiry, principally: political economy, psychology, natural science and sociology.

The figures who launch the initial attack on Hegel, Feuerbach and Schelling, did not gather around them a substantial and lasting following. John Stuart Mill and Auguste Comte were already well-known by the end of the 1830s, and as it turns out, the principal figures of the first period immediately following 1841 are Mill, Comte and later Herbert Spencer (Positivists), Søren Kierkegaard and Arthur Schopenhauer (the precursors to Existentialism), the Anarchist Mikhail Bakunin and Communists Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.

Politically speaking, these figures cover as wide a field as it is possible to imagine.

Without blurring the differences between Anarchism and Communism and the class basis of these political differences, it is not sensible to comprehend either Marxism or Anarchism as part of the organism of bourgeois ideology. They will be considered separately elsewhere.

The others philosophically speaking divide clearly into two camps. Despite the mutual hostility which is a professional prerequisite and despite the political diversity within each camp, we have on the one hand, the "sociologists" Comte, Mill and Spencer, and on the other hand, the "psychologists" Kierkegaard and Schopenhauer.

The Human Condition

The young Ludwig Feuerbach expressed the common Essence of the downfall of Hegelianism, and he has to be credited with the fact that he launched his attack on Hegel while Hegel was still flavour of the decade:

"Modern philosophy has realised and negated the divine being who is separated and distinguished from sensation, the world, and man. But it realised and negated this divine being only in thought, in reason, and indeed in that reason that is also separated and distinguished from sensation, the world, and man. Namely, modern philosophy has proved only the divinity of mind; it recognised only mind, and indeed the abstract mind, as the divine and absolute being." [s.18, Principles of Philosophy of the Future, published 2 years after The Essence of Christianity, in 1843]

When Comte, for instance, says:

"The Universe is to be studied not for its own sake, but for the sake of ... Humanity. To study it in any other spirit would not only be immoral, but also highly irrational. For, as statements of pure objective truth, our scientific theories can never be really satisfactory ... It is for social feeling to determine these limits; outside which our knowledge will always remain imperfect as well as useless ... the intellect would, under Positivism, accept its proper position of subordination to the heart",

there is a significant debt to Hegel, but he also is definitively calling for an end to "metaphysics", and when Kierkegaard says: "science, fully as much as poetry and art, assumes a mood ... an error in modulation is just as disturbing as an error in the exposition of thought" we can recognise something of the same thought. The problem is that Comte's solution (which was probably the dominant one) led to a further shattering of the unity of human labour, with 1,001 "specialists" beavering away in their own little area. Thus, the great synthesis which Hegel achieved, albeit idealistically, was lost on the very people who most needed it.

Feuerbach opened the first, historical section of Philosophy of the Future with: "The task of the modern era was the realisation and humanisation of God - the transformation and dissolution of theology into anthropology." And he shows that this begins with Protestantism. Everyone was saying that the human agency did not just express something (such as The Absolute Idea), this human "agency" was itself the issue, man was not just an "agent". This was already implicit in the highly political way in which the Young Hegelians were promoting philosophy, and the establishment knew it!

Kierkegaard is on about sin; he wants to not just observe sin, explain it, call it an illness - it must be denounced, and denouncing sin meant real pain and suffering. He is against "scientific objectivity", of dispassionately looking at sin as something neutral, objective. His whole thing about moods is a knife aimed at the whole basis of Logic, "Rationalism" (in the degraded sense of the word) and Absolute Idea.

Schopenhauer wanted to place the human, subjective Will at the centre of the system, not an objective thought form but a very subjective, human, suffering, painful Will:

"every stronger or heterogeneous affection of these sense-organs is painful, in other words, is against the Will; ... to make them data for the understanding, [they must] reach the higher degree at which they stir the will, that is to say, excite pain or pleasure, though more often pain."

And Feuerbach is going in a direction which has some point of contact with this:

"The new philosophy regards and considers being as it is for us, not only as thinking but as really existing beings; thus, it regards being as an object of being, as an object of itself. Being as an object of being - and only this being is being and deserves the name of being - is the being of the senses, perception, feeling, and love. Being is thus a secret of perception, of feeling, and of love." [s.33, Principles of Philosophy of the Future]

Kierkegaard and Schopenhauer

Kierkegaard and Schopenhauer are united, if in little else, in their abiding hatred of Hegel.

The object of Kierkegaard's attention is sin. In his definitive attack on Hegel, The Concept of Dread, he points out that "science, fully as much as poetry and art, assumes a mood ... an error in modulation is just as disturbing as an error in the exposition of thought". ... "but the correct mood [for consideration of sin] is the stout-hearted opposition of seriousness. The mood of psychology is the dread corresponding to its discovery, and in its dread it delineates sin, while again and again it is alarmed by the sketch it produces. When sin is treated in such a way it becomes the stronger ... As soon as sin is talked about as a sickness, an abnormality, a poison, a disharmony, then the concept too is falsified. Sin does not properly belong in any science. It is the theme with which the sermon deals, ..." Kierkegaard goes on to say that Ethics is also not the correct science to deal with sin as "Ethics is after all an ideal science, ... Ethics bring ideality into reality; on the other hand its movement is not designed to raise reality up into ideality." So it is only "dogmatics", i.e. Christian dogma, which is capable of dealing with sin: "While psychology is fathoming the real possibility of sin, dogmatics explains original sin, which is the ideal possibility of sin". [excerpts from The Concept of Dread, Søren Kierkegaard, 1844]

For Hegel "All that is rational is real, and all that is real is rational". Outraged by the corrupt and sinful character of the Church and society of his day, Kierkegaard it is not content to explain or deplore it. It must be denounced: "The new ethics presupposes dogmatics and along with that original sin, and by this it now explains the sin of the individual, while at the same time it presents ideality as a task, not however by a movement from above down, but from below up."

Schopenhauer on the other hand builds a system of the type of Classical German Philosophy, but with the Will at the centre: "The process through which and in which the body exists, are nothing but the phenomenal appearance of the Will, ... the parts of the body must correspond completely to the chief demands and desires by which the Will manifests itself; ... Teeth, gullet, and intestinal canal are objectified hunger; the genitals are objectified sexual impulse." Schopenhauer's philosophy is thus given the name of Voluntarism, seeking to resolve the scepticism of Kant by identifying the thing-in-itself with Will (rather than Ego as with Fichte or Nature as in the earlier Schelling).

Schopenhauer's position is, like Fichte, that of subjective idealism: "what other kind of existence or reality could we attribute to the rest of the material world? From what source could we take the elements out of which we construct such a world? Besides the will and the representation, there is absolutely nothing known or conceivable for us." [from The World as Will and Representation, Arthur Schopenhauer, 1819 / 1844]

Schopenhauer has made an important progression from Kant in that he has recognised the identity between human needs and sensuous representation: "every stronger or heterogeneous affection of these sense-organs is painful, in other words, is against the Will; ... to make them data for the understanding, [they must] reach the higher degree at which they stir the will, that is to say, excite pain or pleasure, though more often pain." The pessimistic tenor of Schopenhauer's philosophy is brought out particularly sharply: experience is "pleasure, though more often pain"! But the dualism of the subject-object relation is resolved by totally subordinating the material world to the individual Will, resolving the dualism in favour of the subject, for whom the outer world is just so much "pleasure, though more often pain"!

However, within of the secular religious mentality of classical epistemology, this subjective idealism is invariably reactionary in its political implications because it belittles the creative function of labour and promotes the unrestricted action of the rulers. The resistance of Nature to the Will is "pain" which must be overcome by greater force.

Thus both Schopenhauer and Kierkegaard reject what they see as Hegel's "rationalism", in favour of a turn inward to Faith, in the case of Kierkegaard, and Will in the case of Schopenhauer. In both cases the value of Knowledge is deliberatively discounted in favour of Feeling, Reason in favour of Will (be it Divine or human), Experience in favour of Suffering.

Both these tendencies have inspired and attracted the political Right, and there is certainly nothing progressive or optimistic about them. Both were religious but non-conformist, Kierkegaard a devout Lutheran at war with the established Church, Schopenhauer a respectable German bourgeois, with a somewhat “New Age” interest in Hinduism.

It is easy to say that their philosophy was a negative, pessimistic response to the rise of the proletariat, but why and how is such a reaction expressed in such epistemology? And why at this time? And also, there is a grain of truth: the doctrine of absolute rationality is itself a form of secular religion, as shown by Ludwig Feuerbach in his 1841 Essence of Christianity.

Note that Schopenhauer was not an opponent of science. In fact, prior to his philosophical writing, he was himself active in natural science (especially in the popular business of analysing sensations). Pragmatism as well as Existentialism owes a debt to Voluntarism and for example in the form of the Operationalism of Percy Bridgman, gets along with natural science quite as well as empiricism or better. The name of "Irrationalism" which we can attach to Existentialism and Voluntarism and to a certain extent also Pragmatism, should not be taken as a term of abuse. Irrationalism comes forward to point out the limitations and failures of reason and experience, and it has its grain of truth.

Comte and Mill

The period following the expurgation of Hegelianism in Germany has John Stuart Mill the leading figure of philosophy in Britain and Auguste Comte in France. Both were great synthesisers and reflected the scientific optimism of the bourgeoisie of their time, taking their inspiration from Kant and Hume, seemingly unmoved by either Hegelianism or its condemnation in Germany. Each, however, respond to the changed social conditions of Europe by the promotion of Ethics.

Mills' Ethics is that of Utilitarianism. Jeremy Bentham, renowned for his theories of prison reform, should properly be given credit as originator of Utilitarianism, but it was Mills was systematically elaborated the theory and did so in conjunction with political economy and his theoretical work on the foundations of the British political system.

Comte coined the term "Positivism", by which he understood the "third phase" of development of human society after theology and metaphysics, in which explanations were in terms of essences, final causes, and other abstractions. The modern positive stage, is distinguished by an awareness of the limitations of human knowledge. Knowledge, he held, could only be relative to man's nature as a species and to his social and historical situation. Absolute explanations were therefore better abandoned for the more sensible discovery of laws based on the observable relations between phenomena. Sociology would reduce social facts to laws and synthesise the whole of human knowledge.

Comte was no democrat however. His notion of social organisation imitated the hierarchy and discipline of the Catholic church. From various Enlightenment philosophers he adopted the notion of historical progress, and from Saint-Simon he drew the need for a basic and unifying "sociology" to explain existing social organisations and guide social planning for a better future.

Like Mill, he held that the underlying principles of society are individual egoism, encouraged by the division of labour, and the combination of efforts and the maintenance of social cohesion by means of government and the state. However, Comte rejected democracy, emphasising hierarchy and obedience, and like Saint-Simon, he held that the ideal government would be made up of an intellectual elite, utilising a kind of humanist religion in order to secure social cohesion.

Both men assisted in promoting women's suffrage in the wake of the tragic death of the love of their life, and both were advocates of reform of various kinds within their own country. In philosophy, both emphasise the rational analysis of the data of perception and give priority to social development.

In these two "progressive" bourgeois gentlemen, we see in classic form the national characteristics of British and French philosophy: Mill, an ethic based on the laws of the political economy of laissez faire capitalism, Comte, an ethic of the benign dictatorship of Reason based on laws of socio-historical formation of knowledge and belief.

A New Period of Essential Development

December 1841 marks a discontinuity of spectacular sharpness in German philosophy. Just as in Einstein's physics there can be no simultaneity of events separated in space, so also, in the broader European scene, the rupture of 1841 is manifested in an array of changes, reflecting a common underlying process of transformation, which in turn has its social spectacle in the Revolutions of 1848.

In the period prior to 1841, European civilisation was working out social-historical problems in a domain of thinking which had been separated out from the whole, concrete life of society, the Theory of Knowledge, an abstraction made possible by the highly developed division of labour, and in particular the exploitation of wage labour.

I have characterised this struggle as an alienated formulation of the struggle to understand the relation of human labour and human needs. But this by no means takes away form the fact that real conquests were made in the Theory of Knowledge. Human society was long, long ago shattered by the social division of labour, and the transcendence of this rupture is a long drawn out historical struggle. The mystical character of the process follows from the limitations imposed on professional thinkers under conditions where the real contact with Nature, real production and the real satisfaction of natural human needs is unspoken and unconscious because the producing class itself is silent. Well, it is not silent - but it is not heard.

The period of transformation of bourgeois ideology we are looking at is the period, in Britain, from the publication of the People's Charter in 1838 which continued up to the final Chartist demonstrations in 1848, the same year which saw the popular uprising in Paris in February, bringing down the July Monarchy, the rioting in Vienna which led to the fall of Metternich and the emancipation of the peasantry, the nationalist uprisings in Hungary, the movement for representative government in Germany and the publication of the Communist Manifesto, and leads up to the founding of the First International and The American Civil War in 1863 and the Paris Commune in 1871. The uprisings and revolutions of 1848 are all defeated but all in one way or another see many of their objectives achieved during the period of relative stability and prosperity which followed.

The theory of knowledge has already gone as far as it can go in the 1844 Manuscripts of Karl Marx. But the bourgeoisie has already declared for the expurgation of Hegel and young Marx's investigations have arrived at the founding of the Communist League and publication of the Communist Manifesto calling for the overthrow of all existing social conditions.

Meanwhile mechanics has attained a fairly high level of development, but science generally is however still at an embryonic level insofar as it relates to the human condition. The Origin of Species is not to be published until 1859, while the science of psychology is still embroiled in mysticism. Helmholtz formulates the law of conservation of energy in 1847 and his work on nerve signals and body heat during the 1850s cut the ground away from vitalism. The sciences of anthropology and sociology begin from this period.

In other words, speculation about the human condition had taken bourgeois society as far as it could, it was now necessary to begin the positive enquiry and work out the details. In a sense, one must give Comte his due: in declaring the end of the period of metaphysical speculation and the beginning of the period of natural scientific investigation with sociology at the centre, he stated with fair accuracy exactly what was taking place.

Hegel himself had expressed the same idea in his Lectures on the Philosophy of History:

Anaxagoras was the first to enunciate the doctrine that Understanding generally, or Reason, governs the world. It is not intelligence as self-conscious Reason, - not a Spirit as such that is meant; and we must clearly distinguish these from each other. The movement of the solar system takes place according to unchangeable laws. These laws are Reason, implicit in the phenomena in question. But neither the sun nor the planets, which revolve around it according to these laws, can be said to have any consciousness of them.

A thought of this kind - that Nature is an embodiment of Reason; that it is unchangeably subordinate to universal laws, appears nowise striking or strange to us. We are accustomed to such conceptions, and find nothing extraordinary in them. And I have mentioned this extraordinary occurrence, partly to show how history teaches, that ideas of this kind, which may seem trivial to us, have not always been in the world; that on the contrary, such a thought makes an epoch in the annals of human intelligence. Aristotle says of Anaxagoras, as the originator of the thought in question, that he appeared as a sober man among the drunken. Socrates adopted the doctrine from Anaxagoras, and it forthwith became the ruling idea in Philosophy, except in the school of Epicurus, who ascribed all events to chance.

"I was delighted with the sentiment," - Plato makes Socrates say - "and hoped I had found a teacher who would show me Nature in harmony with Reason, who would demonstrate in each particular phenomenon its specific aim, and in the whole, the grand object of the Universe. I would not have surrendered this hope for a great deal. But how very much was I disappointed, when, having zealously applied myself to the writings of Anaxagoras, I found that he adduces only external causes, such as Atmosphere, Ether, Water, and the like." It is evident that the defect which Socrates complains of respecting Anaxagoras's doctrine, does not concern the principle itself, but the shortcoming of the propounder in applying it to Nature in the concrete. Nature is not deduced from that principle: the latter remains in fact a mere abstraction, inasmuch as the former is not comprehended and exhibited as a development of it - an organisation produced by and from Reason. I wish, at the very outset, to call your attention to the important difference between a conception, a principle, a truth limited to an abstract form and its determinate application, and concrete development. [Philosophy of History, Introduction]

The problem is that the Theory of Knowledge has been left as "unfinished business".

What is more, European society is undergoing a further leap in the social division of labour, and the pursuit of the natural sciences will be manifested in a division of labour in the production of ideas which further exacerbates the problem. British political economy and French social theory have the elements of the puzzle, but they cannot put it all together. The German bourgeoisie has suffered humiliating defeat at the hands of the Junkers, and German Idealism has been debunked.

This time marks the beginning of a new epoch of essential development of bourgeois ideology. Nature has spoken. In searching for an understanding of the human condition, one side, which I will call Irrationalism, wants to turn away, to turn inward, rejecting the value of knowledge in favour of Faith or Will; the other side, Positivism seeks an ethic of knowledge based on the accumulation of the positive knowledge of the sciences.

An Historic Split

The essential reason for this rupture in bourgeois ideology is the birth of a self-conscious workers' movement. Foremost among those who gave voice to this new historic force is Karl Marx. Marx's theory developed on the basis of bourgeois society and the whole history of bourgeois thought; it was not an transcription of the thoughts of proletarians and nor did it base itself on a non-existent "proletarian culture". It is nevertheless the theoretical expression of the social interests and historical destiny of the new social force to which bourgeois society had given birth. It is the independent historic destiny of the working class which gives to Marxism its essential character. Try as it may, bourgeois ideology can no longer represent the "whole people".

The split within bourgeois ideology comes from the fact that it has recoiled from monism and returned to one or another form of scepticism.

However, the proletariat exists only as a part of bourgeois society. Any ideology which expresses its fate, must also share its fate. Revolutionary socialist ideology has its own essential path of development, different and distinct from that of bourgeois ideology. However, the two intersect and mutually affect one another. Without for a moment suggesting that Marxism develops in some pure and independent way, isolated from the development of bourgeois culture, it is still necessary to recognise two distinct organisms - bourgeois and revolutionary-socialist ideology.

Anarchism and Communism

Revolutionary socialist ideology also developed in a struggle. Both theoretical anarchism and modern socialism sprung from the dissolution of the Young Hegelians and drew upon the whole of bourgeois culture. The struggle between Anarchism (Bakunin, Proudhon, and others) and Communism (Marx and Engels) was the principal axis of development of the workers' movement throughout the next two generations including the First International, the Paris Commune and the Russian Revolution.

Andy Blunden, 1998.

All copyrighted sources are quoted and used for comment and education in accord with the nonprofit provisions of: Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107. These sites are in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107 and are protected under: The First Amendment Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, ….

Sunday, August 7, 2011

The Second International

The Second Socialist International went through the permutations of the third and fourth and now fifth - it is always the same thing as the first - Marxist Socialist Communism.

From the Second International a progression, foreseen beforehand, by a number of revolutionary movements, was taking place. Two related branches that came about were Nazism and Political Zionism, bedfellows and each destructive of their own people and others.

The Second International
1880 — 1917


In 1880, the German Social Democratic Party supported the call of its Belgian comrades, to call an international socialist congress in 1881. The little town of Chur was chosen and the Belgian socialists, the French Parti Ouvrier, the German social democracy, and the Swiss social democracy, participated in the preparations for the congress which would lead to the founding of the Socialist International.

Unlike the First, the Socialist International was made up of political parties with properly elected leaderships, political programs and membership bases in each country. The national sections of the International built trade unions, contested elections, and were deeply involved in the life of the working class in each country.

The outbreak of the Great War in 1914 and the national and revolutionary crises which the War engendered however, threw the International into crisis. A group of Social-Democrats, minorities within their own parties, met at Zimmerwald in 1915 to try to work out a joint platform of opposition to the slaughter taking place around them. The Zimmerwald Conference failed to unite all the Social Democrats or end the War, but did bring together a Left wing which supported the Russian Revolution and laid the basis for the Third (Communist) International.

Formation of the International

October 1881 (Chur) Founding Conference of the Second International.
“The Belgian socialists, the French Parti Ouvrier, the German social democracy, and the Swiss social democracy, participated in the preparations for the congress. But whereas at Ghent the anarchists had also participated, they had nothing to do with the Chur Congress, but ... called a congress of their own in London.”

Delegates included: Wilhelm Liebknecht (Germany); McGuire, General Secretary of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters (Socialist Labor Party of North America); Louis Bertrand (The Belgian Socialist Party); J. Joffrin and Benoît Malon (The French Parti Ouvrier); J. P. Becker and Solari for French-speaking Switzerland, and Conzetti, Herter, Lenbert, and Schwartz for German-speaking Switzerland; Rachow (German communist, London); Varinski and Limonowski for various Polish socialist groups, and Paul Axelrod (Russia), Ferenezi Siula (Budapest).

The Conference did not succeed in bringing the parties into a new International, but called for the drafting of a joint socialist manifesto to be submitted to the next international congress, to be organised by the Parti Ouvrier in Paris in 1886.

1886 (Paris) International Labour Conference, showed progress towards a new International with socialist parties in Italy, Spain, Holland, Belgium, Great Britain, the Scandinavian countries, France, the United States, etc.

July 1889 (Paris) International Socialist Congress, attended by delegates from 20 countries, founded the new Socialist International, formally adopting the principles of the International Workingmen's Association founded in London in 1864. May Day was declared as an international working-class holiday.

International Socialist Congresses

2. 1891 (Brussels)

3. 1893 (Zürich) Engels was elected honorary president of International Socialist Congress, but died in 1895. The Congress established the International Metalworkers Federation, uniting metalworkers across the world to this day.

4. 1896 (London) affirmed right of nations to self-determination and opposition to colonialism.

5. September 1900 (Paris) Established a standing International Socialist Bureau composed of representatives of the socialist parties of all countries, its secretariat to be in Brussels. At this Congress, there was a split within the 28-strong Russian delegation. Lenin cast his vote for Plekhanov as the Russian delegate to the International, against Krichevsky, one of the editors of Rabocheye Dyelo.

In 1903, the Russian party split between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.
See the Stenographic Record of the Second Congress of the RSDLP.

6. 1904 (Amsterdam)

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was founded in Chicago in June 1905, and over the next few years, the Social Democrats were active in a struggle against Anarcho-Syndicalism within the IWW.

See the Report of the Australian Socialist League to the International Socialist Congress at Amsterdam, and
Colonies and dependencies: Report to the International Socialist Congress, by H. M. Hyndman.

7. August 1907 (Stuttgart), there were 884 delegates from 25 nations including Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, England, Germany, Italy, India, Japan, Norway, Poland, Russia, the USA and one delegate from South Africa. The First International Conference of Socialist Women was held just prior to the opening of the Congress

The Fourth convention of the IWW in 1908 resulted in a split between “political actionists”, led by Daniel DeLeon of the SLP, and “direct actionists”, led by Vincent St. John and J.H. Walsh. DeLeon set up a rival “Detroit” IWW in opposition to the “Chicago” IWW who were opposed to participation in Parliament.

8. August 1910 (Copenhagen). Second International Conference of Socialist Women held prior to opening of Congress, set International Women's Day for March 8 every year.

November 1912 Extraordinary Congress (Basel) - see Manifesto.

The final session of the International Socialist Bureau was held at Brussels on July 29, 1914 and “resolved unanimously that it shall be the duty of the workers of all nations concerned not only to continue but to further intensify their demonstrations against the war, for peace, and for the settlement of the Austro-Serbian conflict by international arbitration, ...”

Imperialism and Arbitration Courts, Report by Hugo Haase to the International Socialist Congress of Vienna, August 1914.

1915 September (Zimmerwald, near Berne, Switzerland) organised opposition to the War.

1916 April (Kienthal) follow-up to Zimmerwald Conference.

1917 July - August (Stockholm) did not convene due to delegates being prevented from attending. Final meeting of Zimmerwald group at Stockholm

The Social Democratic Party of Germany

The defeat of the Paris Commune in 1871 plunged Europe into a period of reaction, leading to the disintegration of the First International by 1873. The reconstruction of the international socialist movement began in Gotha in 1875.

The German Socialists were the founding and most powerful section of Social-Democracy throughout the period of its existence. The Socialist Workers' Party of Germany was founded in May 1875 at Gotha, uniting Liebknecht and Bebel's Social-Democratic Workers' Party and the Lassallean General German Workers' Union. See Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme and Engels' 1891 Foreword to the Critique.

Wilhelm Liebknecht Wilhelm Liebknecht (1826-1900) After participating in the 1848 revolution, fled to Switzerland, then to England, returning to Germany in 1862. Liebknecht and Bebel were the first deputies of a left-wing party to be elected to the North German Reichstag. In Eisenach in 1869, Liebknecht and Bebel founded the Social-Democratic Workers' Party, and in 1891 were co-founders of the Social Democratic Party. Liebknecht was a member of the German Reichstag from 1874 until his death in 1900. See the text of the Erfurt Program, compiled by Wilhelm Liebknecht and Engels' Critique of the Draft Program.

August Bebel August Bebel (1840-1913) Bebel had trained as a cabinet maker, and was introduced to socialist theory by the Lassallean German Workers' Association founded in 1863. In 1872, Bebel and Liebknecht were imprisoned for two years for their opposition to Franco-German War. After the SDP merged with the Lassalleans in Gotha in 1875, Bebel remained the unquestioned leader. His fiery parliamentary speeches were renowned across Europe, and Bebel remained on the Left of German Social Democracy until his death shortly before the beginning of the War. His Women and Socialism is the earliest Marxist work on the emancipation of women.

Eduard Bernstein Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932) Left Germany during the anti-Socialist laws to produce the Sozial Demokrat from Switzerland. Lived in London from 1888 to 1900 where he was close to Engels until Engels' death in 1895, and was named his literary executor. From 1896, Bernstein became an advocate of reformism, coining the aphorism: “The movement is everything, the final goal nothing”. See Evolutionary Socialism, 1899. Reichstag Deputy on and off from 1902; founded the Independent Social Democratic Party 1916, but returned to the Social Democractic Party after the murder of Luxemburg and Liebknecht in 1919.

Karl Kautsky Karl Kautsky (1845-1938) In 1880, Kautsky joined Bernstein in Zurich who smuggled socialist material into Germany in defiance of the Anti-Socialist Laws. Bernstein introduced Kautsky to Marxism and Kautsky visited Marx and Engels in England. He founded Neue Zeit in Stuttgart in 1883 and was its editor until 1917. In this position he became the most influential leader of Social-Democracy and authority on Marxism until the Russian Revolution. In 1891, Kautsky's Erfurt Program was adopted by the SDP. See the text of the Program.

The Spartacists

Franz Mehring Franz Mehring (1846-1919) Literary critic, writer and historian, a leader of the Left-wing of the German Social Democrats and later member of the Spartacist League. Mehring and Clara Zetkin were the only members of the “older generation” of Marxists who supported Lenin's “revolutionary defeatism” line against the War and survived to see the founding of the Communist Party of Germany in 1919.

Clara Zetkin Clara Zetkin (1857-1933) Clara Zetkin was member of the Bookbinders Union in Stuttgart, and active in the Tailors and Seamstresses Union, becoming its provisional International Secretary in 1896, despite the fact that it was illegal for women to be members of trade unions in Germany at that time. From 1895, she was a leader of the left-wing of the SPD. As Secretary of the International Bureau of Socialist Women, Zetkin organised the Socialist Women's Conference in March 1915. She joined the Spartacists and was a founding member of the German Communist Party in 1918, a Reichstag delegate from 1920 and a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International from 1921, but lived in Russia from 1924 until her death in 1933. See Clara Zetkin's report to the 1896 Congress of the SDP and Eleanor Marx's report of the Congress

Rosa Luxemburg Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) A Polish Jew, at 18 years of age Rosa Luxemburg was forced to escape to Zurich to avoid imprisonment for her revolutionary agitation. Here she met Russian Social Democrats such as Georgy Plekhanov and Pavel Axelrod. Luxemburg split with both the Russian and Polish Socialist Party over the issue of Polish self-determination, and helped create the Polish Social Democratic Party. Leo Jogiches, leader of the Polish Socialist Party became her life-long companion.

Rosa Luxemburg was a leader of both the German and Polish Social Democrats, an electrifying speaker who always stood on the left wing of social democracy. She was critical of Lenin's centralised methods of organisation (See Russian Social-democracy) and was a foremost advocate of the mass strike as opposed to parliamentary activity (See The Mass Strike). She spent the War inside prison, and was released only in time to take her place at the head of the German Revolution and to be arrested by her erstwhile Social-Democratic comrades, and murdered in January 1919.

Karl Liebknecht Karl Liebknecht (1871-1919) Son of Wilhelm Liebknecht and founding leader of the Socialist Youth International in 1907.

With Rosa Luxemburg, Liebknecht was leader of the “International Group” and later founded the Spartacist League and was the only Reichstag Deputy to oppose war credits in the Reichstag in 1914. Drafted during the war, he was imprisoned in May 1916 for anti-war activity. Released in November 1918, Liebknecht was a leader of the failed Berlin uprising in January 1919 and murdered on January 15th 1919, along with his life-long comrade Rosa Luxemburg.

The German SDP and the War, 1914

Other Social-democratic Parties in Europe

Herman Gorter

Herman Gorter (1864-1927) Dutch poet who opposed the pro-War stance of the Dutch Social-Democrats and later became a "left-wing communist", conducting a polemic against Lenin's book of that name. See his Open Letter to Lenin.

Anton Pannekoek

Anton Pannekoek (1873-1960) The Dutch astronomer Anton Pannekoek was active in the German Social Democratic Party while living in Germany before the War and contributed to Die Neue Zeit. The leader of the Social Democrats in the Netherlands, after the Russian Revolution, Pannekoek stayed aloof from both the Comintern and the Socialist Parties, taking a syndicalist direction. See Party and Class.

The French Parti Ouvrier
Paul Lafargue

Paul Lafargue
(1841-1911) Paul Lafargue was born in Cuba but studied medicine in France and became a follower of Proudhon. He met Marx and Engels while acting as a delegate to the First International and married Laura Marx in 1868, thereafter working closely with Marx and Engels and leading the Marxist wing within the Parti Ouvrier.

After the fall of the Paris Commune Paul and Laura fled to Spain but later settled in London. Lafargue was an influential speaker and writer, including works on ethical aspects of socialism. The couple commited suicide together in 1911. See Paul Lafargue Archive.

Jules Guesde
Jules Guesde (1845-1922) Publisher of L'Égalité, leader of the Marxist wing of the French workers' movement. In 1879, together with Lafargue, he founded the French Workers' Party [Parti ouvrier]. In the 1880's and 90's Guesde led the fight against the Possibilists and opposed participation in Parliament. By 1900 he had moved to a reformist position however, and during the war a social-chauvinist and in 1914-15 a member of the government. See Jules Guesde Archive.

August Palm

In December 1920 the French Socialist Party joined the Comintern.

Garbriel Deville: one of the theoreticians of the French Workers Party (POF) of Guesde and as such introduced Marxism into France.

Swedish Social-Democracy
Hjalmar Branting See Swedish Social-Democracy Archive

August Palm
introduced Social-Democracy into Sweden from Germany with his famous 1881 speech in Malmö and was the leader of its left-wing.

Hjalmar Branting
displaced Palm from leadership and went on to become Prime Minister and a Nobel Prize winner.

Leo Jogiches

Leo Jogiches
(1867-1919) Jailed for his agitation in Lithuania, in 1890 he escaped to Switzerland where he began a long political and personal relationship with Rosa Luxemburg. In 1983 together they founded the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland (SDKP), which later merged with the Polish Workers' Party. Jogiches was murdered while trying to investigate the assassination of Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht during the Spartacist uprising.

Italian Socialist Party

Antonio Labriola (1843-1904)
Father of Italian Marxism.


Filippo Turati (1857-1932), leader of the right-wing of Italian Social Democracy.

Enrico Ferri

Enrico Ferri (1856-1929), criminologist, later joined the Fascists.

Russian Social-Democracy

The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party grew out of the Emancipation of Labour Group founded in 1878 by Plekhanov, Vera Zasluich, Pavel Axelrod and others.

The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party

The R.S.D.L.P. was founded in 1901, but at its Second Congress into two factions known as the “Bolsheviks” and the “Mensheviks”. These two factions still operated as parts of a single party as late as 1912.

G V Plekhanov George Plekhanov (1856-1918) Left Narodnya Volya, with its focus on the peasantry and terrorist tactics, and founded the Emancipation of Labour Group, with a focus on the urban working class. Forced into emigration in 1880, Plekhanov did not return to Russia until the formation of Provisional Government in 1917.

Plekhanov was the “father of Russian Marxism”, and up to 1903 Lenin and Plekhanov were allies in the struggle against Bernstein's “evolutionary socialism.” Even after Lenin split with Plekhanov, Plekhanov was held in high regard. However, he did not foresee the possibility of the working class seizing power without Russia first passing through a period of democratic capitalism, and opposed the October Revolution.

Vera Zasulich

Vera Zasulich (1851-1919) Joined the Narodniks as a youth, but after emigrating in 1880 joined with Plekhanov in the Emancipation of Labour Group. Zasulich translated a number of Marx's works into Russian and with Lenin and Plekhanov as an editor of Iskra. Zasulich was a Menshevik from 1903.

Pavel Axelrod (1850-1928) Influenced by the writings of Bakunin, in 1877 he joined Land and Liberty. When this group established the terrorist Narodnya Volya, he joined instead with Plekhanov in the Emancipation of Labour Group. Axelrod was a Menshevik from 1903.


Julius Martov Julius Martov
(1873-1923) Began his political career in 1895 working with Lenin in the St. Petersburg League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class and on Iskra but led the Mensheviks in oposition to Lenin's conception of Democratic Centralism in 1903. At the time of the October Revolution he held a left position in the Menshevik ranks, remaining in the Second Congress of the Soviets after the Right SRs and Mensheviks had departed. He emigrated to Berlin and published Sotsialistichesky Vestnik.

V I Lenin Lenin (1870-1924) Left Russia to meet with Plekhanov, returning to Russia in order to unite all the revolutionary circles in Russia in a single Party – the R.S.D.L.P.. However, Lenin's conception at this time was for a party of “professional revolutionaries”, rather than the amateurish revolutinary circles or loose labour parties of Europe. Over this issue, Lenin split with all the older generation of Russian Marxists.

Lenin's Bolshevik faction was the centre of opposition to the War at the Zimmerwald Conference. The February Revolution, which brought a social-democratic Provisional Government to power, which continued Russia's participation in the First World War. Returning from exile in April 1917, Lenin called for the overthrow of the Kerensky government and the ending of the War, and led the successful Russian Revolution of October 1917. Lenin died just when power had been secured after the Wars of Intervention.

See The Bolsheviks Subject Archive. The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin and Zinoviev, were the main force in the Zimmerwald-Left opposition to the First World War, laying the basis for the Communist International formed in 1918.

Leon Trotsky Trotsky (1879-1940) Worked with Lenin on Iskra in 1902 but broke with Lenin after the Second Congress. He broke with the Mensheviks in 1904 and tried during the next decade to reunite the factions of the RSDLP. In the 1905 revolution, he was the leader of the St. Petersburg Soviet and developed the theory of Permanent Revolution. In 1915 he wrote the Zimmerwald Manifesto.

Trotsky joined the Bolshevik Party in 1917 and was elected to its Central Committee and led the Military Revolutionary Committee which organised the October Revolution.

The Workers’ Parties in the English-speaking world

The well-established Trade Union movement in Britain and the other English-speaking countries spawned both Parliamentary wings and Anarcho-syndicalist or doctrinaire parties rejecting Parliament. Sections of the Second International were usually smaller parties inside the Labour Parties or outside in opposition to them.


Henry Hyndman
Henry Hyndman (1842-1922) While on holiday in the United States in 1881, Hyndman read a copy of Capital decided to form a Marxist political group when he arrived back in England. The Social Democratic Federation (SDF) became the first Marxist political group in Britain and its members included trade unionists such as Tom Mann, John Burns and Ben Tillet, as well as Eleanor Marx, Edward Aveling, William Morris, George Lansbury and H. H. Champion. By 1885 the organisation had over 700 members.

Hyndman's domineering style, adventurous tactics and questionable relations with the Tories weakened the SDF. In December 1884 William Morris and Eleanor Marx left to form the Socialist League. H. H. Champion, Tom Mann and John Burns also left. In February 1900 the SDF joined with the Independent Labour Party of Keir Hardie and Ramsay MacDonald, the Fabian Society and several trade union leaders to form the Labour Representation Committee, later to become the Labour Party.

Hyndman had very little influence and in August 1901 the SDF disaffiliated from the Labour Party and Hyndman established the British Socialist Party (BSP). Hyndman supported Britain's part in the War and left to form the National Socialist Party.
Ben Tillet

William Morris

In 1885, Eleanor Marx, William Morris, Ernest Belfort Bax, Edward Aveling and others left Hyndman's SDF to found the Socialist League and whole branches, such as those in East London, Hammersmith and Leeds, joined the new organisation.

William Morris (1834-1896) A member of Hyndman's Social Democraic Federation, and of the Socialist League, where he sided with the Anarchists against those oriented towards Parliament, and resigned from the SL in 1896. The renowned artist and writer continued his work as part of the Hammersmith Socialist Society.

See A Short Account of the Paris Commune of 1871, by Bax, Morris and Dave.

Eleanor Marx Eleanor Marx (“Tussy”) (1855-1898) Along with translating and acting, Tussy was involved in organizing, writing, record-keeping and speaking for militant trade union such as the Gasworkers, and the Dockers Union. In 1889 she was a delegate in Paris for the founding of the Second International. Later she was involved in editing Marx's papers. During a period of depression in 1889, she committed suicide at the age of 43.

Edward Carpenter

Edward Carpenter and Walter Crane were also members of the Socialist League, which reached a peak of 10,000 members in 1895, but came under anarchist influence, declined and was wound up in 1901.

Walter Crane E. Belfort Bax (1854-1925) Bax was the most renowned interpreter of Marx's philosophical and historical ideas in the English language. He joined Hyndman in founding the SDF and then with Eleanor Marx and William Morris in the Socialist League, but after the demise of the Socialist League returned to Hyndman.

E Belfort Bax
Harry Quelch
Edward Aveling
Harry Quelch
was editor of Justice and co-author with Bax of the New Catechism of Socialism, 1903/09.

See Jean Longuet Archive.

Edward Aveling (1849-1898) Londoner who married Eleanor Marx and made the first English translation of Capital; died soon afer Tussy's suicide.

See also John Round’s attack on the socialists: The Coming Terror, 1881.

See Review of “Forerunners of Socialism” by Henry W Macrosty, 1895.

The Voices of Social Democracy in Britain

The Independent Labour Party
The ILP was a reformist Party founded by the leaders of “New Unionism” in 1893, capitulated to social chauvenism during WW1, but then took up a centrist position between the Labour Party and the Communist Party.

What Happened at Leeds, Council of Workers and Soldiers Delegates, 1917.

The United States

See Early American Marxism Archive.

Big Bill Haywood

Eugene Debs Eugene Debs (1855-1926) Founder of the American Railway Union and co-founder of the IWW and a leader of the left-wing of the American Socialist Party. Debs helped organize the massive Pullman strike in 1894 and was sent to prison and was jailed 1918-21 for opposition to the War. Solidarised with the Russian Revolution, but remained in the SP and did not join the Communist Party. Other members of the Socialist Party were Big Bill Haywood and Morris Hillquit.

Daniel De Leon

Daniel De Leon
US academic who joined the Socialist Labor Party (originally the American Socialist League) and transformed it from a small propaganda group, based in the European immigrants, to a lively, if doctrinaire party, active in the powerful US workers movement. De Leon participated in the founding of the IWW in the USA in 1905.

Tom Mann


Both Hyndman's S.D.F. and later DeLeon's Socialist Labor Party found their reflections in Australia, but it was the visit of Tom Mann to the colony which led to the development of a Marxist Party, the Victorian Socialist Party.

Frank Hyett Marxists of the early years of the 20th century included Frank Hyett, John Curtin, Maurice Blackburn, Frank Anstey, Jock Garden and Guido Baracchi.

Frank Anstey


All copyrighted sources are quoted and used for comment and education in accord with the nonprofit provisions of: Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107. These sites are in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107 and are protected under: The First Amendment Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, ….